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Op-Ed: Best Bet to Solve Climate Change? Vote In Virginia’s Off-Year Elections Today

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Voting for Democratic candidates today is our best bet to create a better future for Virginia’s climate, writes Virginia environmental activist David Millman.

“I thought there would be more people,” I said to myself as I looked over the ragtag team of friends I had convinced to come with me to a climate rally we heard about on Instagram a couple days before. It was late spring. I had become increasingly involved with environmental activism over the past two years and managed to secure a speaking spot in front of the state capitol building in my hometown of Richmond.

After getting to the rally late (I had accidentally typed in the wrong address in my friend’s phone), we settled into the grass among the fifteen or so other activists. There were some high schoolers, a couple of older folks, and a surprising number of elementary school kids.

I listened to the few other activists talk, including a surprisingly rousing speech from Joshua Cole, a candidate for VA H.D. 28. Then it was my turn to speak.

Walking up to the small podium, I noticed the wind had started to pick up. The microphone was catching this, throwing back a loud screeching sound. I took a moment to look around at the crowd. The grass, instead of adoring supporters, overwhelmingly dominated my view. I thought to myself, “a movement can start with just a few people.” You should never daydream speaking to a crowd you can count on your hand. Nevertheless, I began to talk about climate change.

“If we fight, we can get back the majority and address climate change with concrete laws in Virginia,” I almost yelled over the wind. I finished my speech with a call to action to volunteer for candidates in these upcoming elections. I truly believe that who wins in November can shape the course of climate policy in the United States for decades to come. I told the people in attendance to never stop fighting for climate justice.

Then came September 20th.

Climate activists descended to the streets, parks, and the fronts of government buildings across the country, demanding a response to the climate crisis. The global climate strike was one of the largest protests in modern history.

There were several climate strikes throughout Virginia, including one in front of that very same capitol building. This time there were hundreds of people. And no wind.

If climate policy has any chance of progressing in this country, the energy of these strikes needs to translate to politics–especially at the local and state levels.

Protesters need to turn into canvassers. Strikers need to turn into voters. Demonstrators need to turn into volunteers.

Back in 2017, Virginia Democrats ran one of the most diverse batch of candidates of any state election in United States history. Running for the state house, many didn’t believe that the candidates chosen could win. The candidates harnessed the anger of countless Virginians and won back fifteen seats.

The following year, the congressional elections followed the same exact model. Virginia’s off-year elections proved to be a powerful force and an accurate predictor of national behavior.

Every seat in the Virginia state legislature is up for election this November. The state legislature could be flipped, and Democrats could regain the majority.

If the Democratic Party wins, Virginia will become the first former-Confederate state to be truly liberal from the top down.

The Virginia Green New Deal is gaining steam, collecting support from workers’ unions, social justice groups, and environmental organizations. Many Democrats have signed the Activate Virginia Pledge, announcing they will not accept money from Dominion Energy or Appalachian Power. Candidates are finally willing to stand up to the corporations that caused this problem in the first place.

Since the margins would be very tight for passing any climate legislation, the policy proposed would need to have at least some bipartisan support. If Virginia could pass popular, transformative climate policy as a southern state, it could not only set the trend for the 2020 elections, but provide a framework for other states, proving that a climate response is achievable even without firm Democratic control.

Success in Virginia would also outline the importance of building a coalition of grassroots support from labor, social justice, and environmental organizations. It would make a nation-wide climate response realistic, popular, and case-tested for the federal level, and lead the way to a global response.

Virginia can be the catalyst for the nation to solve climate change. It all depends on November 5th. 

Note: Op-Eds are contributions from guest writers and do not reflect RVA Magazine editorial policy.

All Photos from Richmond Youth Climate Strike, September 20, by VCU-CNS

Beer Distributors Pour Donations Into General Assembly Races

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The Virginia Beer Wholesalers Association, which distributes many of Richmond’s favorite craft brews, is also the seventh-largest political donor in the state this year; a slight majority of its donations go to Republicans.

On a chilly fall night in the Scott’s Addition neighborhood of Richmond, just ahead of the statewide Virginia election, Ardent Craft Ales’ front patio is full. Couples share drinks, friends gather after work, and dogs wander amongst the picnic tables, lit by overhead string lights.

Among those gathered on the front patio is Pat Smith, who enjoys going to local breweries after work with his co-workers.

“Even if I didn’t work in Scott’s Addition, I would still come here,” Smith said. 

Enjoying local craft beer inevitably pours funds into politics, further down the distribution line.

The Virginia Beer Wholesalers Association is the seventh-largest political donor in Richmond this year, according to the Virginia Public Access Project. Since 1996, the VBWA has donated almost $5 million to political candidates and committees in Virginia, with Republicans receiving $1.1 million more than Democrats during that time.

The VBWA represents 24 beer distributors operating in the state. Virginia breweries have to use a distributor once their product leaves the brewery. In Richmond, Brown Distributing Co. sells to retailers local craft beer favorites such as Ardent, Center of the Universe, Hardywood, Kindred Spirit, Steam Bell and Triple Crossing. Premium Distributors of Virginia, which acquired Henrico County-based Loveland Distributing last year, lists on its website local and regional brands such as Trapezium Brewing Co., Lickinghole Creek, The Virginia Beer Co. and South Street. The company says they distribute 12 million cases of beer each year to more than 7,300 retailers across 26 counties in Virginia.

VBWA president Philip Boykin said the association does not “discuss political funding outside of our membership.” Campaign finance data from VPAP show that in 2019, through Oct. 24, the VBWA donated $328,631, with Republican candidates and committees receiving $8,473 more than their Democrat counterparts. 

Del. Kirk Cox, R-Colonial Heights, received the most contributions from the VBWA this year, with $20,000. Sen. Richard Saslaw, D-Fairfax, is the next highest recipient with $15,000. Saslaw also leads all active politicians in donations from the VBWA, with $186,591 in total contributions dating back to 1996, according to VPAP.

Cox currently serves as Speaker of the House and Saslaw is the Senate Minority Leader.

Ardent Craft Ales is one of the craft breweries that benefited by the passing of SB604 in 2012, which allowed craft breweries with a taproom to sell their product for on-premises and off-premises consumption. (Photo via CNS)

Eric Wise is co-owner of Allied Craft Distribution, a Richmond-based distributor specializing in specialty craft beer. In his free time, he helps with political campaigns. Wise said that donating large amounts of money to both political parties is typical of trade organizations like the VBWA. Allied Craft Distribution is not a member of the VBWA. 

“Right now the laws are very distributor friendly,” Wise said. “I’m guessing it’s up to an organization that lobbies for distributors to keep it that way.”

Eleven distributors did not respond to a request for comment on this story. 

The VBWA aims to protect the three-tier system, which governs how craft breweries distribute their product. Under this system, breweries sell their products to distributors, who then sell it to retailers. Virginia has maintained a three-tier system since the 21st Amendment was ratified in 1933, allowing states to set their own laws on alcohol. 

The VBWA’s website says it supports the three-tier system because it “helps ensure that every product sold in Virginia pays its fair share of Virginia taxes.” The association also says the system helps foster competition in the industry.

Despite the longevity of the three-tier system, laws have changed related to craft breweries. In 2012, SB 604 allowed breweries with a taproom to sell their product directly “at premises described in the brewery license for on-premises consumption and in closed containers for off-premises consumption.” 

“That was a big change that kind of made Hardywood [Park Craft Brewery] what they were, not just a brewery but a tasting room and a destination,” said Wise. “Everyone kind of followed suit after that.” 

According to the Brewers Association, Virginia had 236 craft breweries in 2018, which generated an economic impact of over $1.7 billion. The number of craft breweries in the commonwealth has more than tripled since 2014. For customers like Smith, as craft brewing grows in Virginia, the politics become harder to ignore. 

“Stone Brewing is in Richmond because then-Gov. Terry McAuliffe was very on the record as saying he was a fan of Stone Brewing,” Smith said. “So I think it’s very naive to say that the politics behind it doesn’t affect it, like it absolutely does.”

As for how politics could affect consumer decisions, some beer drinkers said that quality factored into their decisions as much or more than the beliefs of the business – but not everyone agrees.

“When I go out, not only am I thinking about quality, and all of those things that fit into it, I’m thinking about who am I giving my money to, to continue doing what they’re doing, and for what reasons?” said Karly Hartline from her perch on a Scott’s Addition patio. 

Customers went on to say that they value the “escape” of going out, and that they prefer their experience to be independent of politics.

“I would rather not know your politics than know you support my views,” Smith said. “At the end of the day, it’s beer. If I like your beer, I like your beer.”

Written by Jason Boleman, Capital News Service. Top Photo: Ardent Craft Ales in Richmond has a distributor agreement with Brown Distributing, one of 24 distributors represented by the VBWA. Via CNS

2018 Report Found Nearly 7,000 Absentee Ballots Mailed Too Late

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Your vote should count, even if you have to mail it in. Don’t be late!

Virginia voters have already returned more absentee ballots in 2019 than in the November 2015 election — the last time all 140 seats in the General Assembly were up for reelection. In the last few elections there has been an uptick in absentee ballots, but not all returned ballots are counted.

A Virginia Department of Elections 2018 post-election report found that 6,771 absentee votes did not count in the 2018 election because they were returned to the registrar’s office after Election Day. Eleven were returned late in person and 6,760 were mailed late.

The VDE lists 2018 official absentee ballot counts as 287,763.

The VDE said in the same report that they would “work with general registrars in an attempt to determine if there are patterns that exist preventing the timely return of ballots.”

Ballots must be returned by 7 p.m. on Election Day, or Nov. 5, in order to count. The only exception, according to Andrea Gaines, VDE director of community relations and compliance support, is if voters are overseas or in the military.

The return date is listed on the absentee ballot application, but not the ballot itself, according to Gaines.

“There is no return date on the ballot itself,” she said. “When a voter receives an absentee ballot, they also receive instructions on how to properly cast that ballot in a manner in which it will be counted.” 

When asked how VDE worked with registrars to determine patterns preventing the timely return of ballots, per the 2018 report, Gaines said: “Our mission is to provide voters with the information and resources necessary to successfully cast their votes.”

Zareen Farhad, a 19-year-old student at Virginia Commonwealth University, said she is voting absentee this upcoming election because she can’t make it back to Northern Virginia. Farhad said she has voted absentee three times and that the instructions on the ballot are sufficient, but that the VDE website could clarify when the ballot is due.

“I think that the Virginia elections website could be a bit more clear about exactly how to vote absentee and when early in-person voting is,” Farhad said.

Absentee ballot application found on the Virginia Department of Elections’ website.

Grant Fox, press secretary for the Democratic Party of Virginia, said the organization recently hired a full-time voter protection director to make sure every vote counts and voters are aware of their rights. 

Republican and Democratic candidates have highlighted the option to vote absentee. John Findlay, executive director of the Republican Party of Virginia said “we’re encouraged by the absentee numbers.” 

As of Monday, the unofficial return count for absentee ballots is 73,903, out of 123,459 absentee ballot applications, according to VDE. 

“Using absentee voting is a good indicator of potential turnout, and if you look at previous elections and compare it to today there has been an increase in this election and overall,” said VDE commissioner Christopher Piper, in a previous CNS interview.

Stakes are high with all 140 legislative seats up for grabs for this first time since 2015, but also since Donald Trump was elected president. Several Senate districts held by Republicans have leaned blue in recent elections since then, and voters pushed Democrats into the House en masse in 2017. Republicans currently hold a slim majority in both chambers of the legislature.

According to an analysis posted by the Virginia Public Access Project, 54 House districts have already surpassed the number of absentee ballots returned in 2015. Of those, 22 are also key House races determined by a CNS analysis of competitive races, redistricting changes and recent voting trends on Virginia Public Access Project. The top five House districts that have seen over twice the number of return absentee ballots compared to 2015 are:

  • HD 76 – Del. Chris Jones, R-Suffolk, facing Democratic challenger Clinton Jenkins.
  • HD 78 – Del. Jay Leftwich, R-Chesapeake, running unopposed.
  • HD 77 – Del. Cliff Hayes, D-Chesapeake, running unopposed.
  • HD 9 – Democrat Martha Mulger and Republican Colleen Holcomb are running for an open seat in a Republican-held district where Hillary Clinton won in 2016.
  • HD 66 – Del. Kirk Cox, R-Colonial Heights faces challengers Democrat Sheila Bynum-Coleman and Independent Linnard Harris Sr. 

Twenty-one Senate districts have also had a higher return in absentee ballots than in 2015. Three of the key senate races identified by CNS have had higher returns this year than 2015. 

Residents who wish to vote absentee must apply for a mailed absentee ballot by 5 p.m. Tuesday through the VDE online citizens portal or their local voter registration office. The deadline to return absentee ballots to registration officers is Election Day at 7 p.m.

Written by Aliviah Jones, Capital News Service. Top Photo by Arnaud Jaegers on Unsplash

Pink in a Field of Blue: Female Candidates Bring in Top Donations

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Data from Virginia Public Access Project shows that, in terms of donations, Democratic women running for General Assembly seats in November are on top.

With less than two weeks until the election, campaign finance reports show that not only are Democrats bringing in the most money, but Democratic women are leading the pack with donations received.

“Their strong fundraising is indicative of the incredible support they have, particularly from grassroots donors,” said Kathryn Gilley, communications director for Virginia House Democrats.

Gilley said more Democratic women in the House would provide a greater voice and support for female-friendly policies, including providing equal pay for women and increasing access to affordable child care and reproductive choices.

The most recent data from the Virginia Public Access Project, which records contributions from donors to candidates, shows that the top three candidates who raised the most cash and in-kind contributions in the House and Senate in September are female Democratic candidates. In-kind contributions are donated goods and services given to candidates in place of cash donations. These donations can include mailers and postage, hosting campaign events or providing food, lodging, office space and administrative assistance.

The top September fundraisers in the House were: 

  • Del. Wendy Gooditis, D-Clarke, raised $580,336. Republican opponent Randy Minchew collected $287,059.
  • Sheila Bynum-Coleman, running for a seat in House District 66, collected $568,401. Opponent Kirk Cox, R-Colonial Heights, brought in $302,756.
  • Del. Hala Ayala, D-Prince William, collected $532,974. Opponent Rich Anderson raised $43,299.

The top September fundraisers in the Senate were: 

  • Del. Debra Rodman, D-Henrico, raised more than $1 million in cash and in-kind contributions as she vies for a seat in the state Senate. Opponent Sen. Siobhan Dunnavant, R-Henrico, raised $421,362.
  • Del. Cheryl Turpin, D-Virginia Beach, collected $676,973 in donations. Republican opponent Jen Kiggans raised $330,128.
  • Ghazala Hashmi, Democratic candidate running for District 10, collected $645,444. Her opponent, Sen. Glen Sturtevant, R-Richmond, raised $289,075. 

Overall in September, Democrats running for Senate seats outraised Republicans, $4.9 million to $2 million. In the House, Democrats outraised Republicans, $7.1 million to a little over $4 million.

Top row, Senate candidates, left to right: Del. Debra Rodman, D-Henrico, Del. Cheryl Turpin, D-Virginia Beach and Ghazala Hashmi Democratic candidate for Senate District 10. Bottom row, House candidates, left to right: Del. Wendy Gooditis, D-Clarke, Sheila Bynum-Coleman, running for a seat in House District 66, Del. Hala Ayala, D-Prince William.

A majority of the candidates received donations from EMILY’s List, a political action committee that aims to elect pro-choice Democratic women to office. Earlier this month, the organization said it plans to invest $2.1 million in an effort to flip Virginia’s General Assembly from red to blue. EMILY’s List has endorsed 39 women candidates in Virginia.

“We are hopeful that other individuals and organizations will follow our lead in directing their energy and support to these incredibly important state legislative races that too often remain under-resourced and underfunded,” Stephanie Schriock, president of EMILY’s List, said in a recent press release.

In September, EMILY’s List gave Ayala and Gooditis $150,000 each, their top gift that month. Bynum-Coleman was given $125,000, while Hashmi and Turpin received $25,000 and $10,000, respectively. Planned Parenthood, another pro-choice organization, gave Rodman her No. 1 donation in September — $167,918. Turpin and Hashmi received the most money from the Virginia Senate Democratic Caucus that month, $162,500 each.

Bynum-Coleman received the largest donation last month from Everytown For Gun Safety, a PAC that advocates for gun control. The PAC has given $126,000 to Bynum-Coleman, whose daughter survived a gunshot wound while attending a house party. Everytown has spent nearly $5 million during the last three election cycles to elect gun safety champions in the state.

“Virginia lawmakers failed to vote for stronger gun laws and now, in November, voters will have their say in the matter by voting them out of office,” Shannon Watts, founder of Moms Demand Action for Gun Sense in America, a PAC that is part of Everytown, said in a press release earlier this year. 

When the September fundraising totals are sorted for cash only, and don’t include in-kind donations, the top three fundraisers shift a little. In the Senate, Rodman remains on top with $507,678 cash raised. Missy Cotter Smasal raised $488,356 cash donations last filing period in her bid against Sen. Bill DeSteph, R-Virginia Beach, for Senate District 8. And Del. John Bell, D-Loudoun, cracks the pink. Bell, running against Republican Geary Higgins for the Senate District 13 seat, raised $488,027 cash in September.

In the House, based on strictly cash donations, Bynum-Coleman is the top fundraiser ($470,456) followed by Ayala ($460,061) and Gooditis ($419,733).

Republican Mary Margaret Kastelberg, running for House District 73, was in fourth place for most cash-only donations, at $308, 751.

The cash may be flowing in for Democratic women, but that won’t necessarily translate to votes on Nov. 5.

“It’s hard to know who will actually show up on Election Day, and political scientists are often surprised,” said Tracy Roof, political science professor at the University of Richmond. “If there is a lot of intensity among Democratic voters this year and lack of enthusiasm among Republicans, the typical dynamic could shift in favor of the Democrats.”

Written by McKenzie Lambert, Capital News Service. Top Photo by Patricia Cason, via CNS

Op-Ed: The Blue Wave Is Still Cresting (Probably)

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As Virginia’s next election approaches, statewide trends are showing favor to Democratic candidates. Will they be able to gain control of the General Assembly?

There’s a pivotal election in Virginia next month (as usual). At stake: control of the state legislature, with Democrats trying to regain control of both houses for the first time in two decades.

This week, two seemingly unrelated news stories were published, both of which signal something important about this election.

First, the Virginia Mercury’s Mason Adams reported on a local race for an obscure county office in Christiansburg, a rural southwest part of the state. The GOP candidate for Washington County’s Commissioner of Revenue is proudly calling himself a “Trump Republican” — but what Trump has to do with collecting revenue in Southwest Virginia is hard to tell. 

Second, VCU’s Capital News Service reported on a significant increase in student absentee ballots compared to the last full General Assembly election in 2015.

What’s the takeaway? I think the Blue Wave is still real.

Democrats in Virginia have enjoyed strong wins in the last two elections, both in sweeping victories for statewide races and the House of Delegates in 2017, and strong showings in Congressional elections in 2018. This Blue Wave is part of a national trend that favors Democratic Party candidates all across the nation.

Predictions in politics are difficult, even foolhardy, to make. But after a tumultuous few months in Virginia politics, the same trends that made the Blue Wave possible seem to be reasserting dominance in VA.

Republicans were hopeful that the Governor’s blackface scandal would damage his party’s momentum. But the continued nationalization of local politics — again, a county Commissioner of Revenue candidate is calling himself a Trump guy — may be overwhelming any static from the Governor’s troubles.

Photo via Dr. Mark J. Matney for Commissioner of Revenue/Facebook

The race for the 10th Virginia Senate district is a good example. In a debate last week, Republican incumbent Glen Sturtevant made a big deal out of his opponent criticizing Northam before later taking campaign money from Northam’s PAC. I suspect that nobody cares; Northam’s approval rating is again approaching 50%.

On the other hand, Sturtevant earlier this year waded into a local school board zoning issue (so much for Republican focus on local control of schools). He distributed flyers titled “Save Our Neighborhood Schools” in a transparent attempt to stir up white resentment, earning a “segregationist” label to boot. This kind of desperate move does not indicate a comfortable front-runner.

Republicans are also hopeful that Virginia’s off-year elections, with no national or statewide races on the ballot, would help GOP candidates this fall; lower turnout tends to favor the demographics of Republican voters, even in a now-solidly-blue state like Virginia. But early trends, like the student absentees noted above, suggest that larger forces may counter the typical Democratic voter falloff. Anti-Trump enthusiasm remains a potent force, and it again could make the difference in 2019.

There are other trends that favor Democrats as well. First, the notoriously-disorganized Virginia Democrats seem more methodical than in previous years. For example, a few candidates in Henrico are sharing offices and resources for their campaigns, a sign that the infrastructure the party has constructed over the last two election cycles is functioning and able to help turnout. The off-cycle elections are again the only game in town, drawing the attention of the national parties and national news media. Maybe most importantly, money is flowing in again from national sources, especially to Democrats.

Of course, these trends may still not help individual Democratic candidates in tough races. Sheila Bynum-Coleman still has a long way to go to knock off the powerful Republican Speaker, Kirk Cox, in HD66. The race between Debra Rodman and Siobhan Dunnavant in SD12 seems like it will go down to the wire. Incumbent Senator Amanda Chase would probably have to start regularly kicking dogs to lose in her red district. (But who knows — based on her track record, anything is possible!) Democrats could end up with a strong majority of statewide votes, and still lose the numbers game for control of the legislature.

Still, the overall feel of this race is familiar. Unless something dramatic happens between now and November — and in Virginia, we can never count that out — the state should be thinking blue.

Note: Op-Eds are contributions from guest writers and do not reflect RVA Magazine editorial policy.

Top Photo by Jeremy Bishop on Unsplash

Candidate Debates Spotlight Closely Contested General Assembly Races

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With control of the General Assembly at stake, Republican incumbents Kirk Cox and Glen Sturtevant faced their Democratic challengers, Ghazala Hashmi and Sheila Bynum-Coleman, in contentious debates last week.

Republican incumbents fighting to keep seats in the 10th Senate and 66th House Districts debated Democratic challengers Wednesday night. Del. Kirk Cox, R-Colonial Heights, elected to the district in 1989, faced opponent Sheila Bynum-Coleman. Sen. Glen Sturtevant, R-Richmond, in his first Senate re-election campaign, debated challenger Ghazala Hashmi. 

A crowd of around 100 people filled Studio A of Virginia’s home for Public Media, and more tuned in to hear the debate live on-air. The candidates answered questions submitted by the audience in addition to ones written by hosts ChamberRVA and VPM.

Cox, who was elected unanimously as Speaker of the House in 2018, and Bynum-Coleman, now in her fourth political bid for a House district win, fielded questions on a variety of issues including budget priorities, housing, health care, gun control, climate change, and civil rights.

Bynum-Coleman, a small business owner, said she was inspired to run for office by her son, who has a learning disability. 

Bynum-Coleman and Cox agreed that education is a top legislative priority. Bynum-Coleman seeks to increase teacher pay as well as funding for schools and trade programs.

Cox, a retired teacher, also wants to raise teacher salaries to the national average. He added that he would focus on building the state’s cash reserve — currently over $1 billion — in the 2020 budget session.

“We have worked extremely hard to build that reserve against the recession,” Cox said. “I would like to build that reserve further.”

Del. Kirk Cox, R-Colonial Heights, moderator Craig Carper, and Democrat Sheila Bynum-Coleman at the candidate forum on Wednesday. Photo via CNS

Both candidates agreed that Virginia should remain ranked No. 1 for business, but Bynum-Coleman emphasized that the state should focus on workers. 

“I’m a small business owner, and we also have to make sure that Virginia is No. 1 for workers,” Bynum-Coleman said. “We’re talking about corporations versus people.”

Both candidates voiced support for LGBTQ non-discrimination protections. Cox said “discrimination should be against the law,” even though bills such as HB 2067 and HB 2677 to end anti-LGBTQ discrimination in work and housing did not make it past Republican-led House sub-committees in the regular legislative session. Cox said that state employment decisions should be merit-based. 

On the same issue, Bynum-Coleman said legislators should put measures in place so no one is discriminated against based on gender or sexual orientation.

Candidates were asked if they believe in climate change. Cox did not directly respond yes or no, but did say the state needs to be smart about alternative sources, that he has worked very hard on clean water and coastal flooding issues and that he’s against taxpayers absorbing costly energy tax policies.

Bynum-Coleman said she believes in climate change and wants the state to go beyond federal government requirements to ensure clean water and clean air. She talked multiple times about “stopping the chemicals that are going into our water.”

In response to defining common-sense gun legislation and gun regulation, Cox recognized that gun violence is a “serious problem” but sidestepped a direct answer to the question on restrictions. He pointed to the “constitutional rights of law-abiding citizens” and that Virginia has a lower crime rate than states with “more aggressive measures” for gun control.

Bynum-Coleman, whose daughter was shot in 2016, “wholeheartedly” wants universal background checks, which she said has support across the political spectrum and even among “a group of National Rifle Association members.” She also said she wants to ban bump stocks.

About two-thirds of the crowd remained for the second debate between Sturtevant and Hashmi. Sturtevant began by stating that his main priority is “continuing to be an independent voice for this district.” Sturtevant referenced a $25,000 donation that Gov. Ralph Northam made to Hashmi’s campaign via The Way Ahead PAC, saying that the donation “bought her silence” during the governor’s blackface scandal earlier this year.

“Governor Northam is not on the ballot in November 2019,” Hashmi said. “If we’re going to make decisions on who is right for this district, about who is right for Virginia, we need to be focusing on the issues that concern the voters in this district.”

Sen. Glen Sturtevant, R- Richmond, moderator Craig Carper, and Democrat Ghazala Hashmi at the candidate forum on Wednesday. Photo via CNS

Hashmi and Sturtevant had different views on whether Richmond’s Confederate statues should remain in place along Monument Avenue. Sturtevant supports leaving the monuments but adding historical context.

“I don’t think that just tearing down statues is the right way forward,” Sturtevant said. “Future generations will forget what was done here — and why — and America’s original sin of slavery.”

Hashmi, a professor at Reynolds Community College, countered his point by saying she teaches history through facts, but she doesn’t “teach history through Confederate monuments.” 

“What kind of a message do we send to visitors to our city when we have edifices that glorify a Confederate past?” Hashmi said. 

The Senate candidates differed on Medicaid and gun control, but both acknowledge climate change.

“I actually don’t believe in climate change … I believe in climate crisis,” Hashmi said. Sturtevant said he also believes in climate change, but said that there is no need to “destroy Virginia’s economy” while addressing climate change.

Sturtevant cited taxes as a reason he was opposed to Medicaid expansion, but he does not support rolling it back. Hashmi said expanding access to Medicaid is “an important first step” on lowering the costs of health care and wants to ensure access to health care “for all Virginians.”

Sturtevant said gun control is a mental health issue. Hashmi wants common sense gun safety and action in the General Assembly

The 66th District was one of 25 House districts redrawn earlier this year after the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a lower court’s ruling that the previous map was racially gerrymandered. Chesterfield County voters account for 78 percent of the district, which also includes the cities of Colonial Heights and Richmond. The 66th District is projected to be 32 percent more favorable to Democrats than in the past, according to the Virginia Public Access Project.

Republicans have held the 10th District — which voted for Democrats in the 2018, 2017, and 2016 elections — since a special election in 1986 — 33 years. Chesterfield and Richmond voters make up the bulk of the district, in addition to Powhatan County.

Cox has accrued the largest war chest of all House candidates, raising over $1.1 million. Bynum-Coleman has raised $470,308 in the same period.

Sturtevant has outraised Hashmi, $759,637 to $607,821, according to VPAP data from the end of August. New campaign totals will be released Oct. 15.

ChamberRVA and VPM will again partner for a 12th Senate District debate Oct. 18 at the VPM studio. Incumbent Sen. Siobhan Dunnavant, R-Henrico squares off against challenger Del. Debra Rodman, D-Henrico.

Written by Jason Boleman, Capital News Service. Top Photo: Supporters meet with Del. Kirk Cox, R-Colonial Heights, and Democrat Sheila Bynum-Coleman after the candidate forum on Wednesday, via CNS