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Hate Crimes in Virginia Jump Almost by Half

VCU CNS | May 2, 2019

Topics: General Assembly, hate crimes, Mark Herring, No Hate VA, Phillip Sampson, Richmond police, Unite the Right

Hate crimes in Virginia rose nearly 50 percent from 2016 to 2017. This year, Attorney General Mark Herring proposed legislation to deal with the problem… but all of the bills died in the General Assembly.

Virginia recorded more than 200 hate crimes in 2017 — up nearly 50% from the previous year, according to the latest data from the Virginia State Police.

That surge, along with the neo-Nazi rally that left a counterprotester dead in Charlottesville two years ago, prompted state Attorney General Mark Herring to propose legislation to address the problem. However, all of the bills died in this year’s General Assembly.

The FBI defines a hate crime as a “criminal offense against a person or property motivated in whole or in part by an offender’s bias against a race, religion, disability, sexual orientation, ethnicity, gender, or gender identity.”

According to data from the FBI’s Uniform Crime Report, 7,175 hate crimes were reported across the U.S. in 2017. About 60% of those crimes were related to race, 21% to religion and 16% to sexual orientation.

In Virginia, hate crimes jumped from 137 in 2016 to 202 the following year, according to the Virginia State Police. Virginia had more hate crimes in 2017 than during any year since 2008.

Of the 202 hate crimes committed in 2017:

  • 89 (44%) were racially motivated
  • 44 (22%) were religiously motivated
  • 38 (19%) were related to sexual orientation,
  • 20 (10%) were related to ethnicity
  • 11 (5%) were motivated by bias against disability

Herring has been concerned about the issue for several years. In 2016, he launched his “No Hate VA” initiative, which included creating a website and holding discussion groups across the state to address the rise in hate crimes.

“I’m putting these ideas forward and convening these roundtables because it’s time for action,” Herring stated in a press release.

“I will do everything I can and work with anyone who wants to ensure that all Virginians are protected from hate and violence, no matter what they look like, how they worship, where they come from, or who they love.”

In August 2017, a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville turned deadly after James Alex Fields Jr. drove his car into a crowd of counterdemonstrators, injuring dozens of people and killing Heather Heyer. Herring then amped up his fight against hate crimes and white supremacist groups.

In 2018 and again this year, Herring called on the General Assembly to pass laws dealing with hate crimes. His 2019 legislative agenda included:

  • Updating Virginia’s definition of “hate crime” by adding gender and sexual orientation.
  • Allowing the attorney general to prosecute hate crimes across multiple jurisdictions.
  • Prohibiting paramilitary activity such as “drilling, parading, or marching with any firearm or explosive or incendiary device.”
  • Banning firearms from public events.
  • Banning firearms from individuals who have been convicted of a hate crime.

Virginia defines a hate crime as “any legal act directed against any persons or property because of those persons’ race, religion or national origin.”

Unlike the federal definition, Virginia’s definition of a hate crime does not include gender, sexual orientation or gender identity. (In its annual statistics, the Virginia State Police categorize offenses according to the federal definition.)

Legislation to expand Virginia’s definition of a hate crime was carried by Sen. Barbara Favola, D-Arlington. SB 1375 was killed in the Senate Courts of Justice Committee on an 8-6 party-line vote, with Republicans voting against the bill.

Democratic Sens. Louise Lucas of Portsmouth and Creigh Deeds of Bath County sponsored the legislation to prohibit paramilitary activity. SB 1210 sought to charge individuals with a Class 5 felony if “a person is guilty of unlawful paramilitary activity if such person assembles with another person with the intent of intimidating any person or group of persons by drilling, parading, or marching with any firearm or explosive or incendiary device or any components or combination thereof.”

The bill cleared the Senate Courts of Justice Committee on a 7-6 vote but died in the Senate Finance Committee.

In all, 10 bills before the General Assembly this year attempted to address hate crimes. Seven of the bills were defeated in the House of Delegates and three in the Senate.

For example, two identical bills were introduced to let local governments prohibit firearms at public events: HB 1956 by Del. David Toscano, D-Charlottesville, and SB 1473 by Deeds. Both measures aimed to authorize “any locality by ordinance to prohibit the possession or carrying of firearms, ammunition, or components or any combination thereof in a public space during a permitted event or an event that would otherwise require a permit.”

Both bills died in their chamber of origin.

Attorney General Mark Herring.

Despite the lack of legislative action, advocacy groups across Virginia are working to help victims of hate crimes. Assistance ranges from counseling to lawyer referrals.

Herring’s “No Hate VA” includes resources for victims of hate crimes as well as advice on how to report a crime.

The website encourages victims to immediately report hate crimes to the police and to their local FBI office. The FBI has an online form at https://tips.fbi.gov

A Run-in with Hate: One Man’s Story

What started as a normal evening hanging out with friends took a quick turn for Richmond resident Phillip Sampson. As Sampson was walking down the street with a friend, a stranger approached. Sampson, who describes himself as having an outgoing personality, went to greet the passerby with a friendly “Hello!”

Before the words came out, Sampson was struck across the chest with a fist to his shoulder, knocking him back, while slurs were shouted at him.

“Expletives start flying out, and he starts cursing at me and yelling, and I’m like ‘what is going on?’” Sampson said.

The individual, who Sampson later found out is his friend’s brother, continued to yell at him and his friend before trying to break into the friend’s car. Still in shock over the situation, Sampson went to sit in his car and wait for the police to arrive.

Sampson identifies as gay and believes that was the motive behind the incidents. Having never been in this type of situation before, he was relieved when police arrived within minutes.

He said the two officers who arrived handled the situation professionally and took time to make sure he was OK. After telling the police what happened, Sampson said he was surprised by the compassion and genuine concern expressed by the officers.

“They walked me through what my options were and provided contact information so that I could reach out if I needed anything,” Sampson said.

He considers himself lucky that he was not seriously hurt but feels others in similar situations might not be as fortunate.

Sampson said that he did not need to utilize any victim resources, but he is glad to know that they are available to others.

“I was happy to see what was available to me had I needed them,” he said. “It’s comforting to know that there is help out there for those who really need it.”

Written by Jayla Marie McNeill and Ben Burstein, Capital News Service. Top photo: RVA Mag archives

Defamation Lawsuit Against Alex Jones Allowed To Proceed

VCU CNS | April 11, 2019

Topics: Alex Jones, Brennan Gilmore, defamation of character, Heather Heyer, lawsuit, Unite the Right

After releasing his footage of white supremacist James Alex Fields driving into a crowd of protesters at Unite The Right, Brennan Gilmore became the target of massive online harassment — spurred, the suit alleges, by online provocateur and Infowars host Alex Jones.

On Aug. 12, 2017, Brennan Gilmore had his phone out and happened to be filming a video when a white supremacist drove his car into a group of counterprotesters at a Nazi rally near the University of Virginia campus, killing a woman named Heather Heyer and injuring many others.

Shortly after presenting his footage to the police and posting it online, Gilmore was met with vicious harassment online. He said it was triggered by videos and articles posted by Alex Jones and other right-leaning conspiracy theorists, who claimed Gilmore was an undercover operative for the “deep state.”

More than a year ago, Gilmore, whose footage ultimately helped convict Heyer’s killer, sued Jones and others on defamation charges. The defendants later asked that the suit be dismissed.

The case took an important step on March 29 when a federal judge in Charlottesville rejected the defendants’ motion for dismissal and allowed the suit to move forward.

According to court documents, Gilmore is employed as a foreign service officer for the U.S. State Department and has been on a leave of absence since 2017. He currently works as a business consultant for an information technology company.

For more than a week after the rally, court documents state, Gilmore faced “a barrage of harassing and threatening messages.” It was during this time frame that Jones and the other defendants released their videos and articles.

“I captured that horrible moment on my phone’s camera, shared the video with police and posted it on social media,” Gilmore wrote in an article for the Washington Post. “Not long after that,” he said, he was verbally attacked by Jones, who operates the Infowars website, and “other conspiracy theorists.”

The harassment escalated quickly, court documents said.

“Gilmore describes disturbances such as attempted hacks into his online accounts, the posting of his parents’ address online, a confrontation with a disgruntled stranger on the street, and the mailing of an unknown chemical substance to his parents’ home,” Judge Norman K. Moon wrote in a memorandum opinion.

Gilmore said the harassment from Jones, his publication and his audience caused physical, emotional, and professional damage, including depression and the loss of vision in his right eye. The harassment also may hurt his career at both the technology company and the U.S. Department of State, the lawsuit said.

Gilmore originally sued in March 2018 for both defamation and intentional infliction of emotional distress. The recent court ruling dismissed the claim of emotional distress on grounds that it was not sufficiently severe. Moon said Gilmore is still active socially and professionally.

However, Gilmore’s defamation claims will move forward.

The case involves more than a half-dozen defendants. They include:

  • Scott Creighton, of Tampa, Florida, who owns and writes for the website American Everyman. According to the suit, on Aug. 13, 2017, Creighton published an article on his website and a video on his YouTube channel that Gilmore said was defamatory. Creighton’s YouTube channel has since been suspended.
  • James Hoft, of Saint Louis, who owns and writes for the website Gateway Pundit. On Aug. 14, 2017, the site published an article calling Gilmore a “deep state shill with links to George Soros,” according to court documents.
  • Lee Stranahan of Dallas and Lee Ann Fleissner (also known as Lee Ann McAdoo) of Sarasota, Florida. They appeared in a video posted on infowars.com. It attempted to connect the Charlottesville rally to a Ukraine coup that they say was sponsored by Soros and the Obama administration. The video tried to implicate Gilmore in the conspiracy.
  • Alex Jones, of Austin, Texas, who owns and publishes the Infowars website, along with affiliated radio and video programs. Jones allegedly posted Stranahan and Fleissner’s video on his YouTube and Twitter pages, as well as another video containing defamatory statements against Gilmore. Both alleged articles were posted Aug.15, 2017, three days after the rally.

Moon said Gilmore’s suit can proceed against all of those defendants, but he agreed to drop one defendant from the case: Allen B. West of Dallas, a former congressman. The suit said an article defaming Gilmore was posted on West’s website, but West said he had “no involvement with operating the website.”

“We’re all harmed when these outlets recklessly disregard plain facts, defame the innocent and use the power of social media to amplify a bogus narrative,” Gilmore wrote in his Washington Post article. “With the help of Georgetown Law’s Civil Rights Clinic, I brought this suit because Americans cannot stand idly by while these people terrorize individuals and undermine the pillars of our society.”

A hearing date in Gilmore’s suit has yet to be set.

By Benjamin West, Capital News Service. Photos from Unite The Right by Jesse Adcock, via CNS.

City Council Rejects Resolution for Greater Control over Monuments Celebrating the Confederacy (Again)

George Copeland, Jr. | October 9, 2018

Topics: Confederacy, confederate statues, Mayor Stoney, monument ave, richmond, Richmond city council, RVA, Unite the Right

The future of memorials to Virginia’s dark history, on one of Richmond’s most iconic streets, is still out of the city’s hands. Following a 6-3 vote by Richmond City Council, the chamber rejected a resolution to request greater control of the statuary on Monument Avenue from the state government.

“I’m baffled by the notion of us not being willing to address matters like these, and shirk our responsibilities,” said 9th District Councilman Michael Jones, at the start of discussions on the resolution. Jones, the resolution’s patron, voted with 6th District Councilwoman Ellen Robertson and Council Vice President Cynthia Newbille of the 7th district to approve the measure.

“We can only move this city forward by having the right to decide,” Jones said. “We cannot be afraid to tackle the tough decisions of our day, because they will go nowhere. We must decide if we’re going to be one Richmond or remain divided,” said Jones.

Councilmen Jones

Jones’ statement set the tone for over an hour of deliberation between councilmembers and public speakers. In the half-filled City Council room, speakers were occasionally spirited, but mostly measured in their approach. 

“I think this is my fourth time down here, both at the committee level and city council,” said Bill Thomas, at the start of his public comments in opposition to the resolution. Thomas’ comments were a brief acknowledgement of the long series of events that led councilmembers to this point, and almost certainly they are far from the last. 

The vote last night was a near-repeat of a similar measure last year, rejected 6-2 with Newbille abstaining. This new resolution came with new support, however, in the form of Mayor Levar Stoney, who made an appearance during the meeting’s start to introduce a bill calling for greater funding from the Virginia General Assembly for Richmond’s schools.

That bill, which would be expedited and approved by the council later in the meeting, proved to be one of a few recent developments used by councilmembers in their arguments against against Jones’ resolution.

2nd District Councilwoman Kimberly Gray drew attention to the poor state of Richmond’s schools in explaining her opposition to the proposal, arguing that this issue and the General Assembly’s involvement was a more pressing concern than gaining greater autonomy over city structures.

“The biggest monuments to white supremacy are in our schools,” said Gray. “If we don’t change how we’re operating, nothing will change for the condition of the people of color in our city,” a sentiment echoed by 8th District Councilwoman Reva Trammell. 

Their votes rejecting the proposal were also joined by councilmembers Andreas Addison from the 1st district, Kristen Larson from the 4th district, Parker Agelasto from 5th district, and Council President Chris Hilbert of the 3rd district.

This reasoning was later challenged by Jones, Richmond Public School Superintendent Jason Kamras, and Stoney himself, who described the process as indicative of a “culture of can’t” on Twitter following the vote.

“We can support choosing our own destiny about the future of Confederate monuments in our city AND advocate for the state to fund the true cost of public education. This was not a either/or proposition,” wrote Stoney. 

Councilmembers also negatively pointed to the differences between Jones’ resolution and the recommendations made by Stoney’s Monument Avenue Commission. The commission, created in 2017, was in response to events following the white supremacist pro-Confederate Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, which left one counter-protester dead and over 30 wounded. 

The 10-person Commission’s 115-page report, released in July, recommended the removal of the Jefferson Davis statue, along with efforts to re-contextualize the statuary, following months of private and public discussion. Addison and Gray also served as members of the commission.

Newbille disputed this interpretation, pointing out that while Jones’ resolution implies more than the Davis statue would come under the Council’s oversight, “it doesn’t say remove them.” 

“This paper allows this council, this local government, to have authority in the dispositions of monuments and statues. For me, that is a responsibility this city and this city council should have,” said Newbille.

Mayor Stoney Speaking at City Council

Jones’ legislation wasn’t the only one with a focus on how Richmond should handle the reminders of Virginia’s ugly history.  Also introduced for future consideration was legislation submitted by Stoney that would establish the Richmond History and Culture Commission. This focus would include “providing guidance on the recommendations of the Monument Avenue Commission regarding the reinterpretation of the Confederate statues on Monument Avenue.” 

The legislation will likely be part of the City Council’s agenda in their next meeting on November 13. 

As the meeting prepared for the council vote, Hilbert acknowledged a changing cultural “mood” in the U.S. that has seen other Confederate memorials removed or destroyed, remarking that regardless of the council’s decision on Jones’ resolution, Monument Avenue won’t remain the same forever.

“I was poisoned by the Lost Cause version of the Civil War,” said Hilbert, “and it’s wrong, the Civil War was about slavery. I do think that in 50 years these statues won’t be here.” 

*Photos by George Copeland 

After Deplatforming the Alt-Right, is Police Reform the Next Challenge?

Ash Griffith | September 18, 2018

Topics: Anti-Fascists, antifa, deplatforming, law enforcement, Nazis, police reform, politics, Richmond police department, Steve Bannon, Unite the Right, white nationalism

Last month marked the one-year anniversary of the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville. Between the overwhelming images of riot police and confederate flag insignias, it’s easy to get downtrodden and feel like no progress has been made.

However, after talking to a local activist, who goes by Goad Gatsby, and remembering that only 20 came in support for this year’s Washington, DC repeat of the Unite the Right rally (as opposed to the 400 that Jason Kessler pulled from his ass), it’s clear that anti-fascist activists have had success.

The small showing at Kessler’s rally suggests that something has changed since last year’s gathering. Gatsby pointed to the willingness of activists to name and shame racist activists, even telling their employers about participation in rallies like Unite the Right. When you tell your boss, Gatsby said, “You’ve given a very good case for this person to no longer be working alongside with you. They have to reevaluate their resources if they’re going to continue what they’ve done.”

After acknowledging the success of deplatforming, Gatsby pivoted quickly to what he sees as the next battleground: police reform.

“When counter-demonstrations show up, the police are always going to have their weapons out, looking at the counter-demonstrations instead of the white nationalists,” Gatsby said. “[Those who] have come out to say they are going to commit violence, who have a violent ideology who are just waiting for the opportunity. There is a huge disconnect within the police system.”

Gatsby said the important question was who the police are there to protect; who do they see as needing their support? As a recent parade of police lip sync challenges, including local forces, have spread over social media, Gatsby noted that the timing coincided with the death of Marcus-David Peters.

“It is absolutely no coincidence that the lip sync videos came out at the same time as the Marcus Peters investigation,” Gatsby said. “They are a PR department, of course, this is something they would intentionally want to do. Richmond Police [Department] has always done something to make them look like the good guy.”

Gatsby recalled public meetings he attended where members of the community would raise issues they’d thought the police department was working to address, only to find out that nothing had happened. “That’s the problem with the Richmond Police Department,” Gatsby said, adding, “No matter how well-meaning your intentions may be, they’re always dodging what the community really wants.”

While deplatforming has removed neo-Nazis and retrograde racists from public speaking positions, such as former Trump adviser and Richmonder Steve Bannon, Gatsby maintained that there is much more to do. He said part of the problem was generational, pointing to a sharp divide between younger and older people.

“What can we do for a generation that isn’t listening?” Gatsby “There’s one side, we’ve looked at the facts, we’re willing to make a compromise. Then there is another side that says ‘Fake news, not going to listen to you.’ It’s an older generation that has decided to believe a conspiracy theorist over the lived experiences of children. That’s just where we’re at.”

From the activist side, there isn’t any one answer, but rather a series of steps in the ongoing fight for the safety and dignity of people who are targeted for oppression. While deplatforming counts as a success, the role of law enforcement remains a serious challenge to people who push back against marginalization and oppression.

Unite the Right 2: Jason Kessler’s Humiliating Day in Washington

Madelyne Ashworth | August 13, 2018

Topics: antifa, black lives matter, Charlottesville, D.C., Jason Kessler, Unite the Right, virginia, Washington, white supremacists

In a staggering demonstration of solidarity, Washington, D.C. showed Jason Kessler and his supporters how they felt about him entering their city. It was a humiliating display for the alt-right and their white supremacist organizer.

Thousands of anti-racist protesters arrived in Lafayette Park starting around 1 p.m Sunday, later filling the streets and areas surrounding the White House to protest Kessler’s second attempt for a Unite the Right rally. Less than 20 white supremacists arrived in the park later in the afternoon. Heavily guarded by police to minimize violence, the uninspiring group arrived before their scheduled start time of 5 p.m. and stayed for only a short period before being taken away by law enforcement. Heavy rain began around 4 p.m., contributing to the day’s tense, angry atmosphere, and maybe to the early retreat.

Photo by Branden Wilson

Although the neo-Nazis arrived early, dozens of anti-racist groups were already present, shouting chants like, “Go home, Nazis!” “Anytime, anyplace, punch a Nazi in the face!” “No Trump! No KKK! No fascist USA!” and “Black lives matter!” These groups included the D.C. chapter of Black Lives Matter, the People’s Liberation Party, various anti-fascists groups, and the International Socialist Organization.

“[Today] is very serious,” said Jonathan Hutto, a community organizer for the nonprofit Empower D.C., who spoke during the afternoon anti-hate protest. “We have an environment now where these folks, the scum, the Nazis, the klan, they feel very comfortable and emboldened. If we don’t confront them, they grow. They grow in order to hurt, in order to maim, in order to kill and to instill fear in the masses. This is very important. I don’t want to marginalize this at all. I want to say that this is an extension of the institutional economic violence and institutional racism that folks face every day.”

Jonathan Hutto. Photo by Landon Shroder

The demonstration comes one year after the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, in which nearly 500 white supremacists were met by around 2,000 anti-racist protesters before authorities deemed the demonstration unlawful. That rally ended early and in tragedy, after white supremacist James Fields, Jr. drove his vehicle into a crowd, injuring several and killing local anti-hate protester Heather Heyer.

In the days following her death, Kessler tweeted, “Heather Heyer was a fat, disgusting Communist. Looks like it was payback time.” This year, Kessler’s permit to hold a repeat rally in Charlottesville was denied.

Kessler predicted at least 400 white supremacist supporters would come to the D.C. rally, a vast overestimation. During his 15-minute speech, he largely tried to defend the events of last year and repeated claims that his supporters were not violent, despite indictments, charges, and video evidence to the contrary.

Activists said they were fighting for a future without racism. “I want my future kids to grow up somewhere where they don’t have to worry about being racially profiled walking down the street,” said Sydney Davis, a D.C. resident. “Ignoring [white supremacy] does nothing. If our ancestors would have ignored it, we still would be in segregated schools in chains.”

The massive police presence kept the two sides separate, and no instances of violence were reported outside small confrontations between police and protestors towards the end of the rally. Unlike last year in Charlottesville, D.C. police were able to handle and organize the large number of protesters, who seemingly had coordinated with police before the protests began.

“While we are opposed adamantly to what we are going to hear, we know what our responsibility is — to protect First Amendment events, to protect Washingtonians and to protect our city,” said D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser in a statement.

Law enforcement’s greatest challenge was transporting Kessler and his supporters into the city to their permit area. Meeting at the Vienna Metro stop at 1 p.m., Kessler and his group were privately escorted to a separate train car and into the city, then led by police from the Foggy Bottom Metro stop to Lafayette Square. The decision to allow Kessler special transportation is in direct contrast with claims made by D.C.’s transit authorities last week.

Photo by Branden Wilson

“Giving white supremacists and hate groups a private Metro rail car is so unbelievably wrong and disgraceful,” read a tweet by D.C. council member Charles Allen. “Beyond the horrible precedent it sets, what does it tell the riding public and operators?”

By 4 p.m., several direct action groups comprised of hundreds of people had flanked either side of the White House on 15th and 17th streets, attempting to block all points of entry for both police and Kessler’s group. Although the crowd lessened by 5 p.m., many anti-fascists on 15th Street were confronted by police from the Secret Service leading to a minor confrontation. Some threw eggs, others tore flags, lit smoke bombs, and set off fireworks; some became aggressive toward photographers and journalists, who anti-fascists see as profiting off their fight against those they describe as dangerous white supremacists. Many counter-protesters carried blunt force weapons, such as crowbars, metal poles, and golf clubs.

Photo by Branden Wilson

“If somebody’s going to attack us, then sure, we should attack them,” said one anti-fascist, who preferred to remain anonymous. “But I don’t want anyone to incite violence.”

When police announced that Kessler’s group had left, many anti-racist protesters became frustrated and remained in the area for conversations and spontaneous displays of solidarity. Although there were some reports of conflict between police and protesters, no arrests were made during this time. Police kept a relatively hands-off approach towards the anti-racist protesters, upholding reasonable distances and maintaining perimeters. 

“My father fought the Nazis in WWII,” said one anti-racist protester, a Vietnam veteran from Pennsylvania who preferred to remain anonymous. “My uncle fought the Nazis in WWII. My kids are mixed. I’m tired of the way the system is set up, tired of the way the system oppresses people. I’m tired of the way everything has been going down. I’m going to fight it ’til the day I die. I know I’m on the right side of history. That’s all there is to it.”

Many organizations and local businesses created plans in anticipation of the rally. Although Washington, D.C. is often seen only as the nation’s Capitol, it is a vibrant city comprised of people from all over the US, including those from Northern Virginia and Southern Maryland. Many businesses owners prepared statements warning against any hateful presence in their restaurants and shops, confirming their right not to serve anyone who doesn’t uphold their conduct protocols.

Photo by Landon Shroder

The D.C. chapter of Black Lives Matter did their own form of preparation, beginning Friday with a day-long training workshop to prepare protestors for what they might expect from white supremacist protesters, what they might expect from police, and how to handle those situations.

“The country really needs to see a new narrative,” said Makia Green, D.C. chapter leader and one of the key organizers for this weekend, reached before the event. “My goal is that the next day, black and brown people all across the world see images of black and brown people standing up, feeling empowered, not being afraid to confront white supremacists, and going home safely. I hope the rest of the city is also supportive of that goal.”

Black Lives Matter had prepared for several instances in which violence may erupt, but luckily none of those strategies were necessary. 

“I would say that ignoring white supremacy has never been a solution to white nationalist violence,” Green said. “I don’t think history has ever shown us that ignoring white supremacy works. I’m a lot more afraid of what we will do if people try to ignore it, or if they’re too afraid.”

Photo by Landon Shroder

She cited Trump and his administration for emboldening and empowering white supremacists to take public action. After his tweet Saturday condemning “all types of racism” and wishing peace to “ALL Americans,” he received online backlash for using false equivalence to encourage those, like Kessler, who believe in “white civil rights abuses.”

Most of the anti-hate protesters promoted peace and love, and many gave out free hugs, snacks, and water. Antonio Mingo, a member of anti-hate group Making A Difference, was one of these protesters. Mingo and others handed over large amounts of cash to approaching vendors, taking some bottles for free distribution, and instructing the vendors to use the leftover money to supply free water to others.

Photo by Branden Wilson

“I don’t care if you’re black, I don’t care if you’re white, I don’t care if you’re blue, I love all of you,” Mingo said. “Don’t be scared to love, you got to make a statement for peace, one that our city needs.”

Despite the tension, today was a victory for anti-racists, anti-fascists, and those who resist hate. Their concerted effort to show a united front against white supremacy and hate resulted in an entirely lackluster performance from Kessler, who essentially ran from the area, cowering behind police lines. This comes as no surprise since Kessler’s support within his own community has dwindled over the past year as backlash from the first Unite the Right has revealed the alt-right as unforgivably hateful, and placed many hate groups in extensive legal trouble.  

“Numbers show the large recruitment of fascists is youth,” Hutto said. “They target folks who are on the margins, people who feel economically displaced, and they give them an analysis that’s false. They don’t tell them that the economic violence and poverty you’re going through is due to the bosses, to institutional racism, even capitalism, but it is due to black and brown people. No amount of ignoring them, no amount of loving them, peace for them, when they commit themselves to death and destruction that way, humanity has to be just as committed to fight for humanity. We got to be just as committed to preserving humanity as they are to killing us.”

John Donegan contributed to this report. Pictures by Branden Wilson and Landon Shroder.

In Charlottesville, Police, Residents, Anti-Fascists, and Miniature Book Fans All Gather

David Streever | August 11, 2018

Topics: Charlottesville, Heather Heyer, James Fields Jr, Unite the Right

A year after Unite the Right, residents of Charlottesville took to the downtown mall to shop, eat lunch, and mourn the loss of Heather Heyer, a counter-protester killed by James Alex Fields, Jr., at the alt-right rally.

Mandatory bag searches, described as “consensual” in a press release on the city website, were strictly enforced for people entering the downtown mall. Hundreds of state and local police marched through and around the mall, as helicopters flew low overhead. Within the cordon, city residents, business owners, journalists, and police ate lunch, took photos, and walked freely. Both outside and within the cordon, members of the clergy, Democratic Socialists, and anti-fascist demonstrators marched and protested both the hate groups from last year and, in many cases, the overwhelming police presence.

Bike police lined up. Photo Landon Shroder

Early in the day, two young parents were walking the mall with their toddler, near one of the checkpoints. They didn’t want their names used, but were happy to talk. When asked if they were scared, the mother said, “Do we look nervous?”

“We live here,” her husband added. “I’m just happy to see everybody out, peaceful. This is what Charlottesville is.”

Robinson’s family reunion was disrupted. Photo David Streever

Just down the block, Abigail Jefferson said she was downtown for an annual family reunion. “I’m from here, we hold our reunion every year,” she said, but the security impacted their event. “It’s been tough to get around. It’s been changed this year. Half my family can’t make it.” She said it was sad, but they might have to change their plans for next year if this would be an annual event.

Blockade. Photo Landon Shroder

Maxicelia and Troy Robinson, owners of Order Up! Mobile Food Cart, felt comforted by the security. “The atmosphere was really apprehensive,” Maxicelia said, but, “The police presence is really reassuring.”

Troy interjected, “We have three kids in college–that’s what’s scary.” While business was down this weekend, they’d seen regular customers, and were happy to be on the mall.

Nearby, RVA Mag ran into Vonzz Long, a friend of DeAndre Harris, the black man assaulted by white supremacists last year, said he wasn’t nervous. “I’m just trying to get something to eat today. Nothing’s going down,” he said.

Vonzz Long & “Lil Hef.” Photo David Streever

Asked about the police presence, a source of contention for some anti-fascists on the other side of the cordon, he said, “It’s perfect. They should’ve done this shit last year. They shouldn’t call it an anniversary, though, it was a tragedy. That’s what’s making me feel weirded out.” He agreed to a photo with his friend, who went by “Young Hef,” before they went on their way.

At Fourth Street, where Fields took Heyer’s life and injured some 30 others, the ongoing memorial to the woman had grown. A local woman who introduced herself as “Lexx, with two x’s,” was adding to the display with a Bible quote about love. She was with an unnamed friend, visiting from Georgia. “Today, I’m here to spend time with the people I love. A lot of hate has been spread,” she said. She wasn’t scared to be on the mall, but her friend said she had been before they arrived.

Lexx. Photo David Streever

“That’s why I brought you here,” Lexx told her. “What happened last year, that’s not who Charlottesville is.”

On the east end of the mall, restaurants and retail shops were closed–except for Ike’s Underground. The proprietor, James “Ike” Eichling, had a hand-scrawled sign out front in support of journalists. “It’s the first time I put out a sign that made a statement,” he told me. “I just wanted to say I support the First Amendment and the people who keep us informed.”

Photo Landon Shroder

He was in good spirits, though. “The police presence is an overreaction, it’s justified, but it’s also a display of guilt over last year’s inaction,” he said. “I was a little upset by the message from someone in authority, the city maybe, to not go downtown for the weekend.” Mostly, he said he was just “pleased to see laid-back people walking, enjoying the town. Their very presence is a declaration that this is what our town is.”

Sign at Ike’s Underground. Photo Landon Shroder

On the west end of the downtown mall, at the Omni Hotel, a very different group was in town. The Miniature Book Society had selected Charlottesville as a place to host their annual conference, where members get together to swap books and talk about their passion.

Photo Landon Shroder

This year’s co-host, Molly Schwartzburg, the curator in special collections at the University of Virginia, said the event had been planned before last August by Rick Hill, who she said “Did all the real work.” Schwartzburg gave the group credit for not cancelling their plans. “Over one hundred members came, our biggest turn-out ever despite all this,” she said. While it was harder to get around today, tours and events had gone as planned for their members, who have come from as far away as Japan. “Between Jefferson, our library at UVA, and our tour of Caroline Brandt’s collection, there’s just so much here,” she said. “And I’ve made sure to send people of the hotel to enjoy the city. Charlottesville is a great city for book lovers.”

One of a few arrests. Photo Landon Shroder

While a few misdemeanor arrests were reported by Virginia State Police, I only saw one; that of a man identified by Twitter users as John Miska, a Charlottesville resident known for pro-Confederate activism. Miska was detained not for his handguns, but for a package of razors he’d purchased at CVS, along with two flats of Arizona Iced Tea. Anti-Confederate activist Goad Gatsby also witnessed the arrest. “How am I? I don’t know, I just saw a man escorted out yelling, “I made a legal purchase at the drugstore.” This whole day is just traumatizing for so many of us.”

General Lee Statue. Photo Landon Shroder

John Donegan contributed to this report. Cover photo by Landon Shroder; other photos David Streever or Shroder as indicated.

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