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Beer Distributors Pour Donations Into General Assembly Races

VCU CNS | November 4, 2019

Topics: Allied Craft Distribution, Ardent craft ales, Brown Distributing, General Assembly, political donations, Premium Distributors of Virginia, Virginia Beer Wholesalers Association, Virginia Public Access Project

The Virginia Beer Wholesalers Association, which distributes many of Richmond’s favorite craft brews, is also the seventh-largest political donor in the state this year; a slight majority of its donations go to Republicans.

On a chilly fall night in the Scott’s Addition neighborhood of Richmond, just ahead of the statewide Virginia election, Ardent Craft Ales’ front patio is full. Couples share drinks, friends gather after work, and dogs wander amongst the picnic tables, lit by overhead string lights.

Among those gathered on the front patio is Pat Smith, who enjoys going to local breweries after work with his co-workers.

“Even if I didn’t work in Scott’s Addition, I would still come here,” Smith said. 

Enjoying local craft beer inevitably pours funds into politics, further down the distribution line.

The Virginia Beer Wholesalers Association is the seventh-largest political donor in Richmond this year, according to the Virginia Public Access Project. Since 1996, the VBWA has donated almost $5 million to political candidates and committees in Virginia, with Republicans receiving $1.1 million more than Democrats during that time.

The VBWA represents 24 beer distributors operating in the state. Virginia breweries have to use a distributor once their product leaves the brewery. In Richmond, Brown Distributing Co. sells to retailers local craft beer favorites such as Ardent, Center of the Universe, Hardywood, Kindred Spirit, Steam Bell and Triple Crossing. Premium Distributors of Virginia, which acquired Henrico County-based Loveland Distributing last year, lists on its website local and regional brands such as Trapezium Brewing Co., Lickinghole Creek, The Virginia Beer Co. and South Street. The company says they distribute 12 million cases of beer each year to more than 7,300 retailers across 26 counties in Virginia.

VBWA president Philip Boykin said the association does not “discuss political funding outside of our membership.” Campaign finance data from VPAP show that in 2019, through Oct. 24, the VBWA donated $328,631, with Republican candidates and committees receiving $8,473 more than their Democrat counterparts. 

Del. Kirk Cox, R-Colonial Heights, received the most contributions from the VBWA this year, with $20,000. Sen. Richard Saslaw, D-Fairfax, is the next highest recipient with $15,000. Saslaw also leads all active politicians in donations from the VBWA, with $186,591 in total contributions dating back to 1996, according to VPAP.

Cox currently serves as Speaker of the House and Saslaw is the Senate Minority Leader.

Ardent Craft Ales is one of the craft breweries that benefited by the passing of SB604 in 2012, which allowed craft breweries with a taproom to sell their product for on-premises and off-premises consumption. (Photo via CNS)

Eric Wise is co-owner of Allied Craft Distribution, a Richmond-based distributor specializing in specialty craft beer. In his free time, he helps with political campaigns. Wise said that donating large amounts of money to both political parties is typical of trade organizations like the VBWA. Allied Craft Distribution is not a member of the VBWA. 

“Right now the laws are very distributor friendly,” Wise said. “I’m guessing it’s up to an organization that lobbies for distributors to keep it that way.”

Eleven distributors did not respond to a request for comment on this story. 

The VBWA aims to protect the three-tier system, which governs how craft breweries distribute their product. Under this system, breweries sell their products to distributors, who then sell it to retailers. Virginia has maintained a three-tier system since the 21st Amendment was ratified in 1933, allowing states to set their own laws on alcohol. 

The VBWA’s website says it supports the three-tier system because it “helps ensure that every product sold in Virginia pays its fair share of Virginia taxes.” The association also says the system helps foster competition in the industry.

Despite the longevity of the three-tier system, laws have changed related to craft breweries. In 2012, SB 604 allowed breweries with a taproom to sell their product directly “at premises described in the brewery license for on-premises consumption and in closed containers for off-premises consumption.” 

“That was a big change that kind of made Hardywood [Park Craft Brewery] what they were, not just a brewery but a tasting room and a destination,” said Wise. “Everyone kind of followed suit after that.” 

According to the Brewers Association, Virginia had 236 craft breweries in 2018, which generated an economic impact of over $1.7 billion. The number of craft breweries in the commonwealth has more than tripled since 2014. For customers like Smith, as craft brewing grows in Virginia, the politics become harder to ignore. 

“Stone Brewing is in Richmond because then-Gov. Terry McAuliffe was very on the record as saying he was a fan of Stone Brewing,” Smith said. “So I think it’s very naive to say that the politics behind it doesn’t affect it, like it absolutely does.”

As for how politics could affect consumer decisions, some beer drinkers said that quality factored into their decisions as much or more than the beliefs of the business – but not everyone agrees.

“When I go out, not only am I thinking about quality, and all of those things that fit into it, I’m thinking about who am I giving my money to, to continue doing what they’re doing, and for what reasons?” said Karly Hartline from her perch on a Scott’s Addition patio. 

Customers went on to say that they value the “escape” of going out, and that they prefer their experience to be independent of politics.

“I would rather not know your politics than know you support my views,” Smith said. “At the end of the day, it’s beer. If I like your beer, I like your beer.”

Written by Jason Boleman, Capital News Service. Top Photo: Ardent Craft Ales in Richmond has a distributor agreement with Brown Distributing, one of 24 distributors represented by the VBWA. Via CNS

Pink in a Field of Blue: Female Candidates Bring in Top Donations

VCU CNS | October 28, 2019

Topics: Democratic Party of Virginia, Election 2019, election fundraising, General Assembly, Virginia Public Access Project, women running for office

Data from Virginia Public Access Project shows that, in terms of donations, Democratic women running for General Assembly seats in November are on top.

With less than two weeks until the election, campaign finance reports show that not only are Democrats bringing in the most money, but Democratic women are leading the pack with donations received.

“Their strong fundraising is indicative of the incredible support they have, particularly from grassroots donors,” said Kathryn Gilley, communications director for Virginia House Democrats.

Gilley said more Democratic women in the House would provide a greater voice and support for female-friendly policies, including providing equal pay for women and increasing access to affordable child care and reproductive choices.

The most recent data from the Virginia Public Access Project, which records contributions from donors to candidates, shows that the top three candidates who raised the most cash and in-kind contributions in the House and Senate in September are female Democratic candidates. In-kind contributions are donated goods and services given to candidates in place of cash donations. These donations can include mailers and postage, hosting campaign events or providing food, lodging, office space and administrative assistance.

The top September fundraisers in the House were: 

  • Del. Wendy Gooditis, D-Clarke, raised $580,336. Republican opponent Randy Minchew collected $287,059.
  • Sheila Bynum-Coleman, running for a seat in House District 66, collected $568,401. Opponent Kirk Cox, R-Colonial Heights, brought in $302,756.
  • Del. Hala Ayala, D-Prince William, collected $532,974. Opponent Rich Anderson raised $43,299.

The top September fundraisers in the Senate were: 

  • Del. Debra Rodman, D-Henrico, raised more than $1 million in cash and in-kind contributions as she vies for a seat in the state Senate. Opponent Sen. Siobhan Dunnavant, R-Henrico, raised $421,362.
  • Del. Cheryl Turpin, D-Virginia Beach, collected $676,973 in donations. Republican opponent Jen Kiggans raised $330,128.
  • Ghazala Hashmi, Democratic candidate running for District 10, collected $645,444. Her opponent, Sen. Glen Sturtevant, R-Richmond, raised $289,075. 

Overall in September, Democrats running for Senate seats outraised Republicans, $4.9 million to $2 million. In the House, Democrats outraised Republicans, $7.1 million to a little over $4 million.

Top row, Senate candidates, left to right: Del. Debra Rodman, D-Henrico, Del. Cheryl Turpin, D-Virginia Beach and Ghazala Hashmi Democratic candidate for Senate District 10. Bottom row, House candidates, left to right: Del. Wendy Gooditis, D-Clarke, Sheila Bynum-Coleman, running for a seat in House District 66, Del. Hala Ayala, D-Prince William.

A majority of the candidates received donations from EMILY’s List, a political action committee that aims to elect pro-choice Democratic women to office. Earlier this month, the organization said it plans to invest $2.1 million in an effort to flip Virginia’s General Assembly from red to blue. EMILY’s List has endorsed 39 women candidates in Virginia.

“We are hopeful that other individuals and organizations will follow our lead in directing their energy and support to these incredibly important state legislative races that too often remain under-resourced and underfunded,” Stephanie Schriock, president of EMILY’s List, said in a recent press release.

In September, EMILY’s List gave Ayala and Gooditis $150,000 each, their top gift that month. Bynum-Coleman was given $125,000, while Hashmi and Turpin received $25,000 and $10,000, respectively. Planned Parenthood, another pro-choice organization, gave Rodman her No. 1 donation in September — $167,918. Turpin and Hashmi received the most money from the Virginia Senate Democratic Caucus that month, $162,500 each.

Bynum-Coleman received the largest donation last month from Everytown For Gun Safety, a PAC that advocates for gun control. The PAC has given $126,000 to Bynum-Coleman, whose daughter survived a gunshot wound while attending a house party. Everytown has spent nearly $5 million during the last three election cycles to elect gun safety champions in the state.

“Virginia lawmakers failed to vote for stronger gun laws and now, in November, voters will have their say in the matter by voting them out of office,” Shannon Watts, founder of Moms Demand Action for Gun Sense in America, a PAC that is part of Everytown, said in a press release earlier this year. 

When the September fundraising totals are sorted for cash only, and don’t include in-kind donations, the top three fundraisers shift a little. In the Senate, Rodman remains on top with $507,678 cash raised. Missy Cotter Smasal raised $488,356 cash donations last filing period in her bid against Sen. Bill DeSteph, R-Virginia Beach, for Senate District 8. And Del. John Bell, D-Loudoun, cracks the pink. Bell, running against Republican Geary Higgins for the Senate District 13 seat, raised $488,027 cash in September.

In the House, based on strictly cash donations, Bynum-Coleman is the top fundraiser ($470,456) followed by Ayala ($460,061) and Gooditis ($419,733).

Republican Mary Margaret Kastelberg, running for House District 73, was in fourth place for most cash-only donations, at $308, 751.

The cash may be flowing in for Democratic women, but that won’t necessarily translate to votes on Nov. 5.

“It’s hard to know who will actually show up on Election Day, and political scientists are often surprised,” said Tracy Roof, political science professor at the University of Richmond. “If there is a lot of intensity among Democratic voters this year and lack of enthusiasm among Republicans, the typical dynamic could shift in favor of the Democrats.”

Written by McKenzie Lambert, Capital News Service. Top Photo by Patricia Cason, via CNS

Occupation: Appalachia

Madelyne Ashworth | August 6, 2018

Topics: ACP, Appalachia, Appalachian Voices, Bent Mountain, Bold Alliance, Dakota Access Pipeline, Dominion, environment, EQT Midstream Partners, FERC, Franklin County, Governor Northam, Jefferson National Forest, landowners, MVP, Pipeline, pipeline protests, Sierra Club, Southern Environmental Law Center, Standing Rock Indian Reservation, Virginia Department of Environmental Quality, Virginia Public Access Project

“I miss my house. I really would not have traded it for a piece of plywood if this were not important,” shouted Red Terry, high above her property in a tree-sit on Bent Mountain this past April. Theresa “Red” Terry lives in an “active crime scene,” according to law enforcement.

Along with other activists, she and her daughter, Minor Terry, are seeking to prevent construction of a 300-mile long, 42-inch wide natural gas pipeline that would cut through Jefferson National Forest. They took to the trees after an ongoing four-year legal battle that climaxed this January when a federal judge ruled in favor of Mountain Valley Pipeline, LLC, clearing the way for pipeline construction.

This article originally appeared in RVA #33 Summer 2018, you can check out the issue here, or pick it up around Richmond now. 

“Most people [the pipeline] was affecting have been busy doing lawful things for three years, and it’s gotten them nowhere,” Red said. “When they gave the permission to cut on my property, that’s when I decided to go up [the tree]. It’s gotten attention a lot faster than doing things the right way.”

Landowners occupy shelters in the trees above their land in protest of the Mountain Valley Pipeline proposed for construction in Franklin County, Virginia.

Red and Minor were found in contempt of court for their protest, and have been charged with three misdemeanors, including impeding work and trespassing. Living on separate tree platforms in two different locations, they are both near the creek that runs through their property. The pipeline company claims their protest halted tree cutting, but the Virginia Department of Environmental Quality has forbidden MVP to cut trees within 75 feet of any waterway for the season due to the spawning season of the Roanoke logperch, a federally-designated endangered species.

“If I weren’t here, they would cut anyway,” Minor said. She’s the seventh-generation landowner on the Terry property. Both state police and Global Security, a private firm hired by MVP, share a tent while camping outside the tree sits. The women are issued state-provided food, which includes two bologna sandwiches, a bag of apple juice, water, and two cookies–food described as meeting all their ‘nutritional needs.’

The protests gave MVP grounds to request an extension to DEQ’s original tree cutting deadline of March 31 to May 31, which DEQ and other federal agencies granted. Originally, this deadline was set to protect bat and migratory bird habitats.

“The path that this pipeline will be going through, the terrain is unreal,” Minor said. “It’s steep slopes, mountainsides, waterways, creeks and streams, and wetlands. And some of these slopes are too steep to even stand on, and they want to bring in machinery and blast through it and bury a giant pipeline.”

According to Dr. Hearst Kastning, a karst landscape expert, pipeline leaks are likely to occur due to the high degree of seismic activity in this region of Appalachia. Landslides are also common here, and Kastning says they’re likely to increase when the trees preventing erosion are removed.

“Karst, in general, is one of the most sensitive landscapes in the environment. In a karst landscape, there are a lot of fractures and openings,” Kastning said. “Caves allow a lot of water to go through, fast, and unfiltered. Because of that, if the pipeline goes over karst, there are no guarantees it will be alright because we don’t know where it will redirect the water… Once operational, if it springs a leak or breaks, that would contaminate the groundwater for quite a distance.”

On Carolyn Reilly’s property, a working farm in Franklin County, an anonymous group has taken to the trees to protect her land. Reilly, a longtime pipeline fighter, faces contempt of court charges for allowing them to remain.

“We call ourselves grass farmers,” Reilly said about her property, where she’s trying to improve soil quality through traditional agricultural practices. She contrasted that with MVP, describing them as “extractive, and all about claiming space.” She said MVP is “working it to death and then moving on. That doesn’t honor life at all.”

The Reillys and the Terrys have been fighting the MVP for the past three and a half years, engaging in government meetings, community forums, and an endless string of lawsuits. Both families are part of individual lawsuits against FERC and state agencies, as well as group lawsuits through organizations like Bold Alliance, the Sierra Club, and the Southern Environmental Law Center. The process is long and messy.

“Bringing these appeals is a relatively recent development,” said Carolyn Elefant, the pipeline lawyer for Bold Alliance. “There had always been a handful of challenges to certificates over the last 20 years, but generally parties didn’t have resources, or they just gave in to the project. It’s really only been in the past five years these cases have started to go forward.”

Many of these lawsuits have no precedent, making for a new legal environment. The process for companies is becoming more tedious since, in addition to receiving a certificate from FERC, the section 401 water quality test from the State Water Control Board, and approval from the Forest Service, they are being met with lawsuits from almost every impacted landowner.

While this may be a headache for companies like EQT Midstream Partners, partners involved with MVP; or Dominion, who controls the Atlantic Coast Pipeline project; it poses more serious challenges to rural landowners who lack the resources to fight back.

Elefant said the bias favors construction, since, “when a court looks at the decision, it presumes that the agency ruling is correct, and it tends to defer to many of the factual determinations that the agency made.” Even when alternate routes are proposed, she said, “the court is going to assume that FERC’s decision was probably right based on its expertise.”

In 2016, protests against the Dakota Access Pipeline at the Standing Rock Indian Reservation highlighted the power that corporations wield in these interactions. While the MVP does not disrupt Native American land, the proposed pipeline will cause irreparable damage to woodlands and historic farmlands, in an area as sparsely populated as Standing Rock.

“They had no right to come through here and pick land they knew they wouldn’t get much fight from,” Red Terry said. “Older people, retiring people. We’ve had this land pretty much natural for seven generations, and we want to keep it that way.”

Energy companies have continually targeted populations that lack widespread social power. They are small, agrarian communities that feel ignored by their political representatives and lack the resources to stop a project headed by large corporations, many of which donate to Virginia’s political parties. According to the Virginia Public Access Project, Governor Northam has accepted over $199,251 from Dominion alone, something that critics say suggests government bias.

“DEQ has a history of aligning with industry over the public interest, and that was no more clear than in the agency’s industry-friendly handling of the Atlantic Coast and Mountain Valley pipeline permits in 2017,” Peter Anderson, Virginia Program Manager with Appalachian Voices, said in a statement. Last year, former Governor McAuliffe signed a $58 million mitigation plan with Dominion, releasing them from any potential damages to Virginia’s forests by the ACP, while Governor Northam remains passive toward pipeline questions, and publicly reprimanded Red Terry for her protest.

Elefant predicts these cases will go to the Supreme Court. In addition to the constitutionality of a private corporation using eminent domain, several other new legal issues are introduced, such as the environmental impact inflicted by this project.

“This has been happening for generations,” Reilly said. “This whole country was founded on taking what belongs to other people. I feel like this is corporate colonization happening.”

In May, the Terrys had their court dates, almost a month after Red and Minor took to the trees.

“I don’t understand how industry can look at these plans, look at whatever information that’s been given to them, and thought this was a good idea,” Minor said. “They thought this was going to be safe, that the damage would be minimal. I’m angry. I’m so angry.”

The tree-sitters believe the lengths they have gone to protect the land are absolutely necessary. They have endured rain, high winds, freezing temperatures, snow, heat, constant interrogation, police surveillance, and really bad bologna sandwiches.

“We need to be clear with ourselves that this structure of law enforcement is to serve this company over the power of the people,” said a Reilly property tree-sitter, who went by the pseudonym Alex. “I know that this is a way, at least for a time, to stop the construction. They’re getting scared now.”

U.S. District Judge Elizabeth Dillon found the Terrys in contempt of court and ordered them to evacuate their trees by midnight the next Saturday. If they did not comply, they would be fined $1,000 per day – fines that would be given directly to MVP, LLC. Red’s husband, Coles Terry III, was fined $2,000 for being in contempt for supporting his wife and daughter.

MVP lawyers told the judge that the delays caused by the Terrys so far have cost the pipeline more than $15,000, and that security efforts around the tree-sitting zones cost more than $25,000. MVP’s construction manager testified the alleged financial damages would grow exponentially if crews could not finish tree clearing by the May 31 deadline.

“There are more ways to fight,” Alex said. “Determined people, organized people can still do something. We have our voice, we have each other, and if we wedge those things in the right places, new possibilities can be born.”

Even after the ruling was reached, Alex and the others remained on the Reilly property until the end of May.

“If you look closely enough, if you are really present, then you can find the whole world here,” Alex said. “Defending this place is about that, but there is a global context here. This is a farm and a family that have built their livelihood here.”

Carolyn and her husband have done everything they could to protect their land and their farm from a corporate enterprise, not only affecting their lives and their children’s lives, but the entire community around them. Eminent domain has stripped them of that right, while the Reillys have to worry whether they will be able to continue farming, out of fear for their soil and waterways.

Hundreds of miles away, men in a corporate office in Pittsburgh have permanently affected the way a little girl sees the world.

“It’s totally permeated every pore of our family,” said Reilly, mother of four, who now worries for her children’s future due to legal costs imposed by the court after a guilty ruling. “She’s eight, our youngest. She’s known this since she was five. This is all she’s known. Her whole perspective is based on, ‘Are you for or against the pipeline?’ She’ll ask me, ‘That person you were just talking to, are they for or against it? What do they think about it?’ Basically, are they for us or are they not for us? Where do they stand with us?”

The Reillys, the Terrys and hundreds of other landowners continue to fight both the ACP and the MVP. Both projects continue to face considerable obstacles, such as mid-May storms, which prompted DEQ to cite environmental violations and halt construction due to severe erosion that would pollute waterways. MVP predicts the project will be complete by the fall of 2018.

READ MORE: At the end of last month, the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals struck down two important decisions that allowed the Mountain Valley Pipeline natural gas line to cut through the Jefferson National Forest this past Friday.

Meet your Friendly Neighborhood Virginia Public Access Project

Madelyne Ashworth | September 12, 2017

Topics: Big Baby, Governor Elections, Transparency, Virginia Public Access Project, VPAP

This past Wednesday, the Virginia Public Access Project (VPAP) launched a new online quiz to assist all your gubernatorial decision-making needs.

This short, two-minute quiz will match you to one of the three different governor candidates based on a series of 16 questions in three different categories. Questions were accumulated from a diverse range of topics on which candidates had made a stance, either on their websites or during public speeches.

Part of an effort to keep the public informed, this quiz forms a long track-record of keeping voters educated through greater transparency in Virginia politics. As they enter their 20th year, VPAP is the leading source for journalists, lobbyists and curious citizens looking for campaign donation information, corporate donations, and election tracking.

“I think understanding the mechanisms of how politics work is still tricky,” said Richard Borean, associate director of VPAP. “That’s one of the things we are trying to translate. Just having data in a way that’s more easily accessible and understood is a crucial component of that. Understanding what a lobbyist does and money in politics and media, all these different things, that’s very difficult to understand, but hopefully, we provide the information for people to investigate that a little further.”

Their primary mission is to ensure and protect transparency in politics throughout the Commonwealth and provide a simple way for people to access and consume information. While guarding transparency is their main objective, relating it to the public often proves their greatest challenge.

“We have all these things where we’re trying to push transparency in Virginia, but those are all on platforms where you’re getting 100 emails and notifications every day,” said Borean. “The struggle is having the resources to effectively communicate with people.”

Before VPAP, to acquire campaign finance information, a journalist would have to rifle through records in the filing cabinets of the State Board of Elections during business hours. David Poole, a former journalist for The Roanoke Times and founder of VPAP, was one of those frustrated reporters. However, with the advent of the internet, accessing those files became much more accessible, but not necessarily easier to decipher.

That’s how VPAP changed the game.

“I think there’s something to say about people in their 20s and 30s who grew up with technology, who sort of expect a certain level of access and transparency, who now have the ability to get it in a way that didn’t exist before,” said Borean. “I think that intersection between an aging millennial population along with a maturity of technology [contribute to VPAP’s success].”

To ensure this level of transparency, VPAP collects data sets and campaign finance reports from government sites and the State Board of Elections. This data then gets stored in a central database, which goes through a series of cataloging before it’s visually presented online in a way that best translates the information for the viewer. Although government websites are already essentially transparent, the information is often times presented in such a dense, convoluted way, it’s difficult for the average citizen to decipher.

“What we really try to do is take the data as it stands and make it visually digestible,” said Borean, when asked about how data is presented to VPAP’s readers. “It’s not so much trying to come off as nonpartisan, but how do we convey this information in an understandable way. I think it’s just in our DNA to be nonpartisan.”

That standard of nonpartisan information stretches across their site to VaNews, a newer component of VPAP designed to keep Virginians’ news balanced.

“For VaNews, [nonpartisan] means including clips from liberal and conservative publications,” said Ali Mislowsky, VaNews Coordinator, who also moonlights as the lead singer of local band Big Baby. “Sometimes people will be surprised things were included because we’re nonpartisan, but we think that means a balance of voices and clips. People might think that would mean excluding partisan clips.”

VPAP will also track data trends throughout campaigns, such as what types of corporations are donating to whom, how much is being donated, or for what things candidates are using that money. For example, this election cycle the number of small donations from individual citizens has skyrocketed thanks to Internet advertising, yet those donations still pale in comparison to the larger, corporate donors, such as Dominion. Yet despite this sometimes incriminating information, VPAP makes the effort to remain neutral.

“We’re not saying that money in politics is bad, or that it’s good,” Mislowsky said. “We’re just saying that it’s there.”

 

 

Virginia Politics Sponsored by F.W. Sullivans

James River activists double down after DEQ Director admits to over $2,000 in gifts from Dominion

Amy David | March 16, 2016

Topics: coal ash wastewater, Dominion, james river, Virginia Department of Environmental Equality, Virginia Public Access Project, virginia student environmental coalition

RICHMOND – The water might drain from Dominion Virginia Power’s coal ash ponds, but the plot has thickened.

[Read more…] about James River activists double down after DEQ Director admits to over $2,000 in gifts from Dominion

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